Department of Sociology College of Social Sciences and Philosophy University of the Philippines Diliman Kabitserye: An
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Department of Sociology College of Social Sciences and Philosophy University of the Philippines Diliman
Kabitserye: An analysis of Marital Infidelity in Filipino Films and Television Soap Operas from 1970-2015
A Research Prospectus for Sociology 101 under Prof. Hannah Glimpse Nario: General Sociology
By: Mendoza, Grazianne-Geneve V. Recuya, Andreah Yvonne P.
I. Background of the Study Marital infidelity is not at all a new construct to contend with and continues to transcend spatial, temporal and even cultural boundaries. A thorough investigation of infidelity in different countries led Druckerman (2007) to conclude that despite its different meanings to particular groups of people, infidelity is a worldwide phenomenon. Despite being a predominantly Catholic society that upholds the sanctity of marriage and the family (Quirino and Sarile 1997), the Philippines is no exception. Solomon and Teagno (2006:17) defined infidelity as "any action taken by a partner in a committed love relationship that violates the agreement of sexual and/or emotional exclusivity.” The “querida system,” as it is referred to in the Philippines, is a double standard that is lenient on males straying from their marriages to exercise their masculinity regardless of socioeconomic status (Roces and Roces 2009:111). In contrast, Mendez et al. (1984:185) explain that married women who commit such acts are not only frowned upon, but even suffer condemnation for it. The task of saving a failing marriage corroded by infidelity therefore falls upon the hands of the wife. In her grief, she berates herself and questions why despite everything she has done, her husband still found her wanting. However, while there is no monopoly of infidelity in any social and economic position, middle-class women endure its consequences much more than their counterparts from the upper and lower classes of society. For the latter, marital infidelity is but “one of the crosses they must bear in their daily wretchedness” and have not the time to “ponder the why’s and wherefores of their marital fate.” The prevalence of infidelity in the Philippine society is reflected by the different terms to account for it (De Vera 1976) such as pakikiapid, paglalaro sa apoy, pamamangka sa dalawang ilog, pagsusunong ng uling, pangangaliwa, pagkulasisi. Kabit or querida is used to refer to the mistress. Meanwhile, sumakabilang-bahay has been recently used to refer (e.g. WWJDph 2013) to the husband who has left his family in favor of his lover.
After conducting a study among high school students from broken families, Meily (1976) found that marital dissolution was mainly attributed to infidelity of the father. Conversely, Deano (1985) investigated the attitudes of Filipino wives regarding divorce using a nationwide survey. While majority of the respondents believed that under no circumstances could divorce be justified, a significantly large proportion of the participants agreed that both the wife and husband have the right to divorce his or her unfaithful spouse. Marital infidelity directly attacks the backbone of society, and its impact on the husband and wife leaves a bitter aftertaste, nullifying the sweetness of forever they once vowed to each other (Kleine 2007). It is therefore surprising to see its proliferation in various forms of Filipino media, television shows or “teleseryes” in particular. In recent years, many informal reports have cited reasons why these shows cater to the Filipino audience such as evocation of emotions and portrayal of relatable “daily occurrences” (Carballo 2014) and depiction of inescapable hopeless marriages due to Philippine “laws and social conventions” (Ortuoste 2014). Meanwhile, infidelity has always been a potent ingredient in Filipino films. An informal analysis conducted by an online magazine (Spot.ph 2012) enumerated “10 types of movie mistresses”: Gliza de Castro as the “accidental kabit” in My Neighbor’s Wife (2011), Vilma Santos as the “technical kabit” in Relasyon (1982), Sharon Cuneta as the “convenience kabit” in Dapat ka Bang Mahalin? (1984) and the “righteous kabit” in Una Kang Naging Akin (1991), Maricel Soriano as the “martyr kabit” in A Love Story (2007), Glydel Mercado as the “material girl kabit” in Mister Mo, Lover Ko (1999), Anne Curtis as the “high society kabit” in No Other Woman (2011), Dina Bonnevie as the “heavy baggage kabit” in Gumapang Ka sa Lusak (1990), Bea Alonzo as the “daddy issues kabit” in The Mistress (2012), and Lorna Tolentino as the “squatter kabit” in Mano Po 2: My Home (2003). The subject of infidelity in Filipino films and teleserye, while intriguing to laypersons, has rarely become a topic of interest for major researches
and scrutinized under the rigors of academic study. As an important aspect of Filipino culture, they must not be overlooked (Aquino 2014). The present study aims to bridge this gap in knowledge. II. Research Questions To guide us in understanding how infidelity is perceived in the Philippine setting through films and television shows, this study aims to answer the following questions: 1. What are the similarities and differences in the portrayal of the wife, the husband and the paramour in Filipino films and television shows from 1970 to 2015? 2. How do the characters perform in different situations (e.g. at home, workplace, with friends) and how does it compare when they are alone together (i.e., the wife and the husband, the cheating spouse and the affair partner)? 3. What are the motives that drive the cheating spouse to be unfaithful? What of the affair partner? 4. Who holds the power in either relationship? Who controls or determines the course of the relationship? 5. How are they perceived by the supporting characters once they learn of the affair? III. Research Objectives As one of the state apparatuses that creates an impact on the public sphere, media reflects the trends and current situations in the society. In Roland Tolentino’s Paano Magbasa ng Textong Media at Lipunan, he mentioned that media is more extensive than any kind of ideological state apparatuses since more time are devoted to it by
its audience. Thus,
media also has the ability to influence audience’s beliefs, opinions, preferences, products services and movements. In relation to that, the observable pattern of increasing media content on infidelity becomes more rampant in the industry. Thus, it drives the researchers to study the factors and issues revolving infidelity themed media programs. In line with the main goal of understanding the realities these media outlets try to depict, the following are the listed objectives aimed to answered by this study.
1. To differentiate media’s portrayal of
the characters of the husband,the
wife and the mistress of each decade starting from the 70s up to present. 2. To observe the changes in how the characters’ act in the different spheres of their relationship with others and with their partners. 3. To identify the factors that stimulate the act of infidelity from the members of the marriage 4. To be able to recognize the character who has the controlling power in the course of the relationships? 5. To describe how the supporting casts perceive these characters once they got involved in the issue. IV. Brief Review of Related Literature Attempts have been made to understand how infidelity is perceived in the Philippine context (De Vera 1976). The concept has never been easy to study because those involved shy away from openly talking about it, much less admit that they have been engaged extramarital affairs. Because of this, the researcher opted to use an unobtrusive methodology derived from Sikolohiyang Pilipino, particularly pakikipagkwentuhan or storytelling. To aid in the flow of the conversation, De Vera used Filipino cinema as her take-off point. While television had yet to reach the small town of Fundado, Labo in Camarines Norte when the study was conducted, the people nonetheless had access to films. According to her, married life, sexual relationships and infidelity were common themes in movies during this time so it was not difficult to bring the conversation to her desired route without inciting suspicion from her participants. When the concept of infidelity was addressed this way, the people easily discussed it among themselves for they were free to voice out their opinions without fear of judgment from their peers. Her findings indicated that the people of Fundado generally deemed infidelity as “dirty and wrong” that goes against the teachings of the Catholic Church. However, there is a stark difference when the question of gender is involved. Men do not feel ashamed of being in extramarital affairs because it serves as a testimony to their manhood. Furthermore, men who are not caught cheating are idolized by their peers who feel sorry for his family. Among the reasons for infidelity of men include a renewal of one’s youth, lack of children, plain
temptation, or even peer pressure (tuksuhan o kantyawan). Women, on the other hand, are heavily scorned and told that their souls will be condemned to burn in hell. They are often driven to cheat on their husbands as an act of revenge for having an affair in the first place. Sometimes, it is also due to financial incapacities, as well as loneliness from being apart from her husband. De Vera’s study is important as it shows the power of mass media, particularly films, in tackling issues that are not always easily dealt with in society. This first aspect of the proposed study aims to discover the power of movies and television shows, other forms of mass media. The second aspect is how these movies and shows revolving around marital infidelity portray the cheating spouse and his or her lover and how the other people in their lives (i.e. the supporting characters) perceive them after learning of the affair. On the other hand, Gonzales (2003) proposed to tackle infidelity primarily as a gender issue. In his literature review, he analyzed the unfaithfulness of the Filipino male vis-a-vis education, migration and the nature of marriage. Furthermore, he fleshed out the resiliency of the Filipina wife amidst spousal infidelity. His proposal is also entrenched in religious values. With regard to mistresses, Bautista's (cited in Go 1993) survey of one hundred single queridas, aged 21-30, in Metro Manila showed that the main reasons they chose to be mistresses were financial dependency and reciprocated love. About 69% of the female participants came from large proletariat families. Sixty-eight per cent attained some level of college education while 69% worked at low-paying jobs. On the contrary, most of their married lovers enjoy “high occupational status, being in executive, and managerial positions.” Majority (about three-fourths) of them still live with their wives; the rest cohabit with their mistresses. Most of the respondents agree that their lives changed for the better. Forty-five per cent conveyed their happiness though 28% admitted feeling guilty. Ultimately, however, “most of these women (71%) have no intention of terminating the relationship.”
Studies concerning how Filipino media portrays the issue of infidelity the relationship between media and infidelity in the Philippine context are limited. Panuncillon and Lozada (2014) proposed to determine the effects of exposure to "telenovelas of infidelity on audience's views towards marriage" due to its influx in Filipino media. This is primarily influenced by the liberal ending of the soap opera, The Legal Wife (2014) wherein the wife decides to part with her husband rather than save her marriage and keep her family intact. This contradicts the definition of marriage as stated in the Family Code of the Philippines, which states that "as an inviolable social institution; a special contract of permanent union between a man and a woman" (cited in Panuncillon and Lozada 2014). As a foundation to their study, the researchers used Gerbner's Cultivation Theory and Sternberg's Triangular Theory of Love. They chose the residents of Old San Isidro, Buhangin District, Davao City as their population of interest and randomly selected among them to participate in the study. They were to construct a questionnaire with a Likert Response scale to gauge the opinions of the respondents. It is unknown whether or not the proposed study was carried out. In another study, de Guia (2012) explored infidelity in the Filipino context by analyzing the dialogue used in two fairly recent films that revolved around the theme—A Love Story (2007) and No Other Woman (2011). Particularly, he focused on the metaphors used to describe the wife, husband and mistress in describing the relationship of the married couple before and after the affair was committed and determining how these three persona are depicted by Filipino media. He concluded that marital infidelity, far from being considered as a relationship, actually instigates the destruction of another. Furthermore, it is essentially "a competition between the wife and the mistress over the husband." The wife, though initially gentle and submissive, will not hesitate to wage a war to win her husband back. On the other hand, the other woman sees the liaison as a game and offers the husband a new and invigorating experience. While he is shown to be a valued property or a prize to be won
to both women, the husband ultimately holds the power to end the battle by choosing who he wishes to continue his relationship with. Since the previous study only focused on two recent Filipino films, it failed to take into account how the presentation of infidelity has evolved throughout the years, which will be the scope of the present study. Moreover, de Guia restricted his analysis to movies and did not include television programs, which have become more available to wider audiences with the increase in ownership of televisions in urban and rural areas (Periabras 2014). V. Theoretical Background and Framework To examine how the wife, husband, and the paramour are depicted in the chosen films and teleseryes, we will apply Erving Goffman’s impression management. This theory is grounded on the assumption that individuals act in such a way that would make them likeable to others, but because people may see past through his façade, he finds that he must learn to manipulate reality to maintain the charade (Ritzer 2011:376). It gives a person the liberty to “construct a new, but not necessarily improved version of him or herself.” Essentially, impression management is an “act presenting a favorable public image of oneself so that others will form positive judgments” (Newman, cited in Norris 2011). True to his dramaturgical approach, Goffman introduces the idea of front stage and back stage that allow people to carry on with their day-today activities (Kivisto and Pittman 2001:280). What is done in the front stage is for the benefit of a particular audience (Kivisto and Pittman 2001:280), essentially, a performance, the “activity of an individual which occurs during a period marked by his continuous presence before a particular set of observers and which has some influence on the observers” (Goffman 1959:22). While people portray different roles every day, the audiences are able to define the situation based on the nature of the front, which includes setting, appearance and manner (Goffman 1959:22-24). To portray his role effectively, the actor must employ signs that will “dramatically highlight and portray confirmatory facts that might remain unapparent or obscure” or what Goffman termed as dramatic
realization (Goffman 1959:30). There must also be idealization wherein he must act as if his present role is the most important, using cues from previously constructed ideals (Goffman 1959:34). He adds a “personal touch” to establish or support the rapport between himself and his spectators (Goffman 1959:50). However, when he misrepresents a role, where there are matters about his activities he cannot openly disclose due to false impressions, he risks destroying his relationship (Goffman 1959:63). For though his deceit only constitute a fragment of his entire routine, his anxiousness of being caught will betray him (Goffman 1959:64). And anyway, the efficacy of one’s performance in convincing his audience depends in part on his own conviction of his ability to perform (Kivisto and Pittman 2001:283). Meanwhile, the backstage offers protection to the performer (Kivisto and Pittman 2001:281). Away from prying eyes, he is free to do what he wishes without having to be vigilant of his ability to play a role (Kivisto and Pittman 2001:281). On the substantive part of the study, male domination is described by Pierre Bourdieu as an illustration of symbolic violence which is “exercised upon a social agent with his or her complicity” (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992:167). As a form of power, symbolic violence cloaks itself in invisibility and masquerades as being inherent in nature (Bourdieu and Thompson 1991:23). This phenomenon, which Bourdieu calls misrecognition, is made possible by the actors themselves—both the dominator and the dominated (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992:167). But before anything else, there must be “complicity.” That is, the subjugated must be equipped with the habitus or dispositions that would allow him or her to be aware of the acts of violence being committed but not perceive them as a form of dominance (Calhoun, LiPuma and Postone 1993:172). In choosing to deny the existence of oppression, symbolic violence is legitimized, and it cannot exist outside of this perverse paradox. Females unknowingly perpetuate the despotic power structure of male domination
through
two
ways
(Bourdieu
2001:38):
through
their
acceptance of imposed limits embodied in “bodily emotions such as
shame, humiliation, timidity, anxiety and guilt” or through “passions and sentiments such as love, admiration, and respect.” These emotions are intensified tenfold when expressed physically (e.g. blushing, stuttering, clumsiness, trembling anger or impotent rage). A woman is treated as an object under the constant scrutiny of the male gaze (Bourdieu 2001:66). She smiles warmly, listens patiently, loves deeply and submits willingly. She strives to be the embodiment of her sex, to be feminine in every sense, not knowing that it is man who dictates what she ought to be. She not only orients her actions accordingly, but also obsesses over her physique, leading to bodily insecurity. This symbolic dependence of women to others (both males and other females) eventually encompasses her entire being, which drives her to crave attention, to please and to “expect a great deal from love.” She behaves inasmuch as to seek validation from others about her worth as a woman. According to Bourdieu (2001:67), "needing the gaze of others to constitute themselves, they are continuously oriented in their practice by the anticipated evaluation of the price that their bodily appearance.” Her honor is delimited to her virginity and fidelity, and thus can only be “defended or lost” (Bourdieu 2001:52). Despite male domination, Bourdieu (2001:52) argues that “male privilege is also a trap” since males have to constantly prove their masculinity to themselves and to their fellow males. Manliness is manifested in the ability to exercise one’s strength, in sexual or social reproduction and violence. When opportunity presents itself, a man will not hesitate to chase after that which will further his power. Essentially, to be a man is to construct oneself in “front of and for other men and against femininity, in a kind of fear of the female (Bourdieu 2001:53).” Thus, Bourdieu’s framework may be used to explain the motives and actions, as explained by their habitus, of the three main characters, as well as the dynamics of their relationships. VI. Methodology This study will employ content analysis, which is often used to resolve what, why and how data, and their common patterns, are searched for.
Through a consistent set of codes, text would be organized based on similar content (Heikkilä & Ekman, cited in Cho and Lee 2014:6). This is in line with our proposed research questions since our primary objective is to determine the similarities and differences in the portrayal of the husband, wife and affair partner over the years. Content analysis also allows researchers to study man-made “social artifacts” that reflect the society from which it emerged (Brooklyn College n.d.). For this study, the social artifacts to be investigated are visual forms of media, particularly, Filipino films and television soap operas produced and aired over the past four decades (1970 to 2015). The sample will be selected from the movies and soap operas with the the theme of marital infidelity in the narrative. The focus of the study will be limited to the films and teleserye themselves. Anything external to their projected reality such as the impact on audiences, whether or not they reflect the sentiments of the people, advertising, and commercial success will not fall under its scope. In addition, they will be analyzed as they are presented, without taking into account the aesthetic sensibilities and technicalities utilized, cinematography and mise en scene[1], for instance. The sampling method used in previous studies concerning content analysis of films and television shows are as follows: 1. Selecting from top-grossing films about the desired topic (Oropeza 2011; Bell, Berger et. al. 2005; Smith et. al. 1999) 2. Visiting movie rental stores (Owen 2012; Himes and Thompson 2007) 3. 1Looking through television guides (Himes and Thompson 2007) 4. Searching through online databases such as Internet Movie Database (Wolfrom 2010; Oropeza 2011; Owen 2012; Himes and Thompson 2007; Hammer 2008). For the purposes of the present study, we will use a combination of the listed methods so the sample will be representative of the population 1[1] "staging a scene through the artful arrangement of actors, scenery,
lighting, and props" (Prammaggiore and Wallis 2008:88)[2]one that has not been consummated
involved. However, searching through English-based movie databases may not generate all possible results. Websites of local television networks may be scanned to obtain a list of past and present soap operas produced. If feasible, we may also contact the National Film Archives of the Philippines and the ABS-CBN Film Archives to aid in our endeavor. Keywords to be used for searching will include “infidelity,” “adultery,” “mistress,” and the like. Content analysis requires researchers to first agree on a) a common set of dimensions, and b) specific definitions of the kinds of evidence sought. Only when this is done may the objects be judged. The content to be coded depends on the researcher's study, provided that a set of categories is developed and a set of explicit rules for coding is employed (Brooklyn College n.d.). Sutherland and Fetley (2010) delineate how films are to be analyzed using the sociological lens by identifying four themes: (a) identity of the individuals, (b) interaction between the characters, (c) inequality among the characters and (d) social institutions. Through the analysis of these elements, "sociologists can use films as social texts." Following this, possible categories may include genre (e.g. drama, comedy,
suspense
or
a
combination
of
these),
demographic
characteristics (sex, age, socioeconomic status, and occupation), type of affair (emotional[2] or sexual), and type of family (with or without children, presence of extended family), motivations for infidelity, reaction of spouse (denial, rage), reaction of other people involved (e.g. children, parents, friends), resolution (e.g. mending the family, choosing the affair partner, termination of both relationships).
The chosen films and soap operas will be watched in full to determine how the affair changed the lives of the characters involved. While viewing, we will jot down notes aided by our final categories. VII. Ethical Concerns
Since most of the media platforms on dramatic materials are fictionalized by their writers and directors, the researchers must be cautious of the possible sensationalized media text used as exaggerated methods to further grasp their audience viewership. The fictionalized contents of the samples may also become threats on the accuracy of the results as met by the research objectives. The actors representing the characters involved may also be subjects to ethical concerns with regards to their associations with their roles. Difficulties in separating the moral and overall portrayal of their characters in these media platforms and their off-screen personalities may arise. The researchers must be able to conquer the full separation of the actors and their portrayed characters in the analysis of the issues involved in the study. Discriminatory effects As mentioned earlier, infidelity is often associated to the act of committing a crime as it contest the sacredness of marriage. However, the research should be clear in all its subsequent parts on its aim that is not envisioned to condemn the act of infidelity and adultery. The study should remain objective in describing the personalities and characters involved to avoid confusion of its intentions. Clarity of the research objectives should be implemented to avoid the discrimination it may lead to the characters who participates in extra marital affairs. Conflict of Interest in sample collection Several factors may affect the choice of samples for the study. Although the same number of samples will be collected from each decade, the personal interests of the researchers on their choice of study materials is subject to some biases. In line with this, the researchers should maintain the diversity and stratification of its chosen study materials without its foremost considerations of availability, media platform duration, and actors playing such roles
. VIII. Reflections Basing on Max Weber’s value-relevance in the formulation of a research topic (Ritzer 2011:122), this proposal was inspired by everyday conversations with real people. Questions such as: “Bakit wala nang nagtatagal na relasyon ngayon?” [“Why do relationships never seem to last anymore?”]. “Bakit ang dami nang nangangabit ngayon?” [“Why do people cheat nowadays?”]
were raised. As an answer, someone said,
“Normal na ‘yan ngayon. Nakikita kasi sa TV eh.” [“It has become normal because people see it on TV.”] Since its inception, it has underwent several transformations. Initially, it was supposed to focus on how the portrayal of infidelity on visual media affects morality. Eventually, we decided to concentrate on the worlds depicted in the films and teleseryes themselves. The task of searching for related literature was not easy. Though international researches about infidelity in general are aplenty, there is a scarcity of it in the Filipino context, even more so when media is already involved. Despite this, the increase in infidelity-themed films and teleseryes on primetime is well-documented in unscholarly writings. Such is also the case even outside the Philippines. It is unfortunate that popular media has been taken for granted in its role in explaining social reality, especially something as heavy as infidelity. Furthermore, analyzing the evolution the depiction of infidelity in films and television shows tells us not only how media evolves, but how society changes as well, due in part to the fact that media ultimately reflects the society it comes from.
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